Disclaiming their Anglo- The Tudor era has long been associated with the rise of nationalism in England, yet nationalist writing in this period often involved the denigration and outright denial of Englishness.
Nationalism in the Renaissance
Disclaiming their Anglo-Saxon ancestry, the English sought their origins in a nostalgic vision of British antiquity. Focusing on texts including The Faerie Queene, English and Welsh antiquarian works, The Mirror for Magistrates, Henry V and King Lear, Schwyzer charts the genesis, development and disintegration of British nationalism in the sixteenth and early seventeenth centuries.
An important contribution to the expanding scholarship on early modern Britishness, this study gives detailed attention to Welsh texts and traditions, arguing that Welsh sources crucially influenced the development of English literature and identity. Get A Copy.
Hardcover , pages. Published October 21st by Cambridge University Press. More Details Original Title. Other Editions 2. Friend Reviews. To see what your friends thought of this book, please sign up. Lists with This Book.
This book is not yet featured on Listopia. Community Reviews. Showing Rating details. Sort order. Sep 15, Vicky P rated it really liked it Shelves: nonfiction. Schwyzer's work in this book is something that required a precise blend of skillsets going in, and overall I found it to be a rewarding read. It was short, concise, and made me ask several questions that I would likely not have encountered many other places, if anywhere else at all.
The two criticisms I have that are easiest to voice in this review are that it felt in some ways as if this was such an enormously ambitious project that it was too concise in order to avoid stepping over the edge of Schwyzer's work in this book is something that required a precise blend of skillsets going in, and overall I found it to be a rewarding read. The MOE had schools begin to teach about the new constitution almost immediately.
However, the new constitution and its peace provision would soon become the most fundamental site of political and ideological battles in postwar Japan. The first textbook attack was, indeed, derived from these battles. During the occupation period, politics and ideological divisions were in the process of formation, fluid and unstable.
Among more than newly formed political parties, the Liberal Party Jiyuto, LP triumphed in the first postwar election in , winning seats. His deputy, Yoshida Shigeru became prime minister. The SP, with two conservative parties, formed two shortlived coalition governments. Yoshida returned as Prime Minister in , recapturing the levers of state authority, and in his party LP won seats, the majority of the Lower House.
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In June , many politicians, including Hatoyama, were depurged and returned to the political arena. The conflict between Hatoyama and Yoshida ruptured the ruling party LP.
[PDF] Literature, Nationalism, and Memory in Early Modern England and Wales - Semantic Scholar
Its right faction supported ratification while the left rejected the treaty that excluded the Soviet Union and China. In the Lower House election of , the major issue was amending the Constitution to allow the nation to remilitarize. The Yoshida administration collapsed in a corruption scandal, allowing Hatoyama of the Democratic Party Minshuto, DP; formed in the fall of to form a temporary government with the support of the Left and Right SPs.
National policy on textbooks surfaced for the first time as a campaign issue, with Nakasone Yasuhiro, a young hawk of the DP calling for a system of publishing and adopting textbooks that were tightly supervised by the state. The electorate was divided. With the revision of Article 9 foreclosed provisionally , the battle over textbooks and education would take center stage in the upcoming Diet sessions. In other words, textbook struggles would substitute for the battles over the constitution and its renunciation of war.
The first major attack on textbooks took place in June , following testimony before the Diet by Ishii Kazutomo, a former official of the JTU, who alleged that textbook publishers had bribed local school officials in charge of textbook adoption. Ishii was soon working secretly with the DP on a series of brochures that criticized textbook descriptions written by authors close to the JTU.
The DP brochures made extreme charges. In the one and a half party system the SP held approximately half the Diet seats of the LDP that continued for four decades, the LDP, with strong overt and covert US support, dominated the Lower House, while the SP remained the leading opposition party until its steep decline in the s.
The attack lent support to MOE attempts to revise history textbooks through the screening processes. Although screening is conducted behind closed doors, some authors have disclosed specific demands for excision or revision made by MOE. Although, in the early s, the MOE began to reverse the course of postwar curriculum reform, views on history among its textbook examiners were far from uniform. For example, when Ienaga Saburo submitted his first high school history textbook manuscript in , it was rejected. However, Ienaga resubmitted the manuscript without revision, a procedure that was then permitted, and this time it was approved.
MOE also revised the screening process regulations, 18 and, in , it issued a ministerial ordinance in which it declared that new Instructional Guidelines would have legal force. During the war, such studies were routinely suppressed when their findings contradicted official narratives written from an emperor-centered perspective. Wartime history education was also almost totally divorced from historical research, and school textbooks served as the most important vehicles for disseminating emperor-centered historical narratives. In the mid s, some of the MOE comments on history texts challenged empirical research and called for the cultivation of nationalism.
For example: The MOE held to the nationalist and ethnocentric perspective that a textbook for Japanese students must steadfastly support the actions of the Japanese state and its leaders, regardless of their consequences.
While MOE comments touched on all historical periods, the twentieth century received by far the most intense scrutiny, especially the Asia Pacific War. The goal was praise for the goals and accomplishments of the empire. Such comments included: It is inadequate to say that Japan ruled China and made it miserable. Eliminate this description, since a view even exists that [Japan] provided various Asian nations the chance for independence [from their Western colonizers] through the Pacific War. In articulating this principle, the MOE censors scored important points.
Japan was, of course, hardly alone in committing war crimes and atrocities associated with colonialism and invasion. Nor were these limited to the Axis powers. War crimes and atrocities had been and were committed historically by, for example, the United States in colonizing of the Philippines from to and after, and by various allied powers such as the British in seeking to maintain their colonial stake in Asia.
In this respect, the United States and Britain as well as Japan need to be examined critically. Likewise, the US firebombing of sixty-four Japanese cities and the atomic bombing of Hiroshima and Nagasaki should be examined in light of the guarantees of civilian immunity stipulated in international law. Rather, it is to historically explain, or understand, the roots of war atrocities and colonial violence in order to seek ways to overcome such acts. The MOE comments were in essence arguments to show that colonialism and war were inevitable and to excuse Japanese behavior on the grounds that it merely followed the examples of other colonial powers.
Indeed, textbook writers and publishers frequently rebutted the most extreme criticisms and at times won minor, tactical victories. Japan felt the effects of the so-called Nixon China shock in the years between and , followed almost immediately by the worldwide oil shock of In geopolitical terms, with relative peace in the region in the wake of the US-China opening and US defeat in the Vietnam War, Japan and its Asian neighbors entered a new era.
Following the Sato Eisaku administration from to , Tanaka Kakuei became Prime Minister, but, in he was forced to resign for raising enormous political funds through paper real estate companies, and, in , he was arrested for accepting a bribe from Lockheed Aircraft. Throughout the s, while the ruling LDP remained in disarray, its major opponent, SP, was unable to unseat it, in part because its left and right fractions continued to battle one another.
Like Nakasone built his leadership reputation through his hardline stance on school textbooks in the late s and s, the young hawks of s choose to do the same. The LDP weekly newspaper attacked the texts, charging that many authors supported the JTU, the Communist Party, or various non-governmental democratic education movements.
This time, even language textbooks faced attack. Originally transcribed by folklorist Aleksandr N. A group of intellectuals, centered on Tsukuba University, along with business organizations, such as Keidanren the Federation of Economic Organizations , joined the attack, lobbying for textbook revision.
Although the texts had already been approved, the MOE successfully pressured the publishers to revise. While keeping a certain distance from the highly charged political attacks, the MOE steadily tightened control over school curriculum and textbooks. In the screening, it famously ordered historian Ienaga Saburo to change various passages. Do not lean toward the theory of unconstitutionality [of maintaining SDF]. Also, approximately Okinawan residents were murdered at the hand of Japanese forces for reasons such as hindering combat. Eventually Eguchi had no choice but drop the entire discussion.
The MOE announced the results of its textbook screening in June of In July, the two major Okinawan newspapers ran series criticizing MOE censorship of accounts of the Battle of Okinawa, particularly of Japanese forces killing of Okinawan civilians. Okinawan citizen movements demanded restoration of the original passages. The Japanese government sought to limit the diplomatic damage. The Chinese government initially insisted that it was insufficient guarantee against future revisionism in textbook screening, but eventually it too accepted Japanese pledges to make appropriate corrections.
With respect to references to the number of victims of the Nanjing Massacre, the MOE announced it would only ask authors to provide citations indicating the source of estimates. For example, he created the Rinji kyoiku shingikai Special Education Council and hand picked its members. The response was a storm of progressive opposition, indeed, even some officials in the MOE bridled at this top-down approach to reforms.
This resulted in an increasing number of history textbooks allocating more space for critical views on the war and colonialism. This angered nationalist forces on the right, who insisted that each nation is entitled to decide the content of its history education without regard to the sentiments of its neighbors or others. In the fall of , one of the major nationalist organizations, the National Conference to Defend Japan Nihon o mamoru kokumin kaigi , established in , announced that it would develop its own Japanese history textbook. The nationalist text, for high school students Shinpen Nihonshi New Edition Japanese History , was approved by the MOE and published in , despite serious scholarly and political criticisms from inside and outside Japan.
However, in the first former Korean comfort woman came out in public, telling of her experience at the hands of the military. Women in Korea, China, the Philippines and other Asian countries followed.